奥巴马在西点军校2014年毕业典礼上的演讲(双语) 美国总统奥巴马于5月28日
在西点军校毕业典礼上致辞,全文如下。
president obama: thank you. thank you so much. thank you. thank you, general caslen, for that introduction. general trainor, general clarke, faculty and staff at west point, you have been outstanding stewards of this proud institution and
outstanding mentors for the newest officers in the united states army.
美国总统奥巴马:谢谢!非常感谢!谢谢!谢谢卡斯兰将军的介绍!特雷纳将军、克拉克将军、西点军校的教职工们,你们一直以来都是这所令人自豪的学府的优秀管理者,也是
美国陆军新晋军官的杰出导师。
i’d like to acknowledge the army’s leadership -- general mchugh -- secretary mchugh, general odierno, as well as senator jack reed who is here and a proud graduate of west point himself. to the class of 2014, i congratulate you on taking
your place on the long gray line.
我要向陆军领导层表示感谢,包括陆军麦克休将军以及参谋长奥迪耶诺将军,同时也要感谢到场的杰克?里德参议员,他是西点军校引以为荣的毕业生之一。2014级的毕业
生们,祝贺你们承接了西点军魂的使命。
在你们当中,有美国首支女子指挥团队,包括艾琳?墨登和奥斯丁?波洛夫。卡拉?格莱文展现了一位罗兹学者的风采,而乔希?赫贝克则证明了西点的精准度远在三分线之外。(笑声)
全体学员们,请安心度过你们在西点的最后时光,我以最高统帅的名义在此赦免所有因
犯轻罪而关禁闭的学员。(笑声、掌声)
let me just say that nobody ever did that for me when i was in school.
我说一句,我当学生的时候,可从未有人这么做过。
我知道,你们和我一样都要向自己的家人表示感谢。乔?狄摩斯是本届毕业生詹姆斯的父亲,他给我来信讲诉你们所做出的牺牲,也道出了许多父母的心声。他写道:“在我们的内心深处,我们为他们立志报效国家而感到无比自豪。”和多位毕业生一样,詹姆斯也是位
战场老兵。我请今天在座的各位起立,向我们当中的
老兵,也向250多万曾在伊拉克和阿富汗服役的美国人及其家属致敬。(掌声)
这是继数天前阵亡将士纪念日后的又一个极有意义的时刻,让美国人民得以回想那些为我们的自由做出巨大牺牲的英雄。你们将是自911恐怖袭击以来,第一届不会被派到伊拉
克或阿富汗参战的毕业生。(欢呼声、掌声)
when i first spoke at west point in 2009, we still had more than 100,000 troops in iraq. we were preparing to surge in afghanistan. our counterterrorism efforts were focused on al-qaida’s core leadership -- those who had carried out the 9/11 attacks. and our nation was just beginning a long climb out of the worst economic
crisis since the great depression.
2009年,我首次在西点发表演讲时,我们仍有10万多名士兵驻扎在伊拉克,也正准
备增兵阿富汗。而我们的反恐重心则是基地组织的核心头目——正是他们发动了911恐怖
袭击。此外,我们的国家正开始一段摆脱大萧条以来最严重经济危机的漫长历程。
four and a half years later, as you graduate, the landscape has changed. we have removed our troops from iraq. we are winding down our war in afghanistan. al-qaida’s leadership on the border region between pakistan and afghanistan has been decimated, and osama bin laden is no more. (cheers, applause.) and through it all, we’ve refocused our investments in what has always been a key source of american strength: a growing economy that can provide opportunity for everybody
who’s willing to work hard and take responsibility here at home.
四年半以后,就在你们毕业之际,情况已发生了转变。我们已从伊拉克撤军,正逐步结束阿富汗的战争。潜伏在巴基斯坦和阿富汗边境地区的基地组织头目已被斩草除根,而奥萨马?本?拉登也早已命丧黄泉。(欢呼声、掌声)在经历了这一切之后,我们又将关注重心调整到美国实力的重要源头上来,这个源头就是不断发展的经济,为每一个愿意努力工作并愿
意承担起家国责任的人提供机会。
in fact, by most measures america has rarely been stronger relative to the rest of the world. those who argue otherwise -- who suggest that america is in decline or has seen its global leadership slip away -- are either misreading history or
engaged in partisan politics.
事实上,与世界上其他国家相比,美国在很多方面都处于强势地位。有些人持不同观点,他们认为美国正在衰弱或正失去世界的领导地位,这些人不是对历史存在误读,就是陷入了
党派政治的泥潭。
你们想一想,我们的天下无敌,任何国家对我们构成直接威胁的几率极小,而且与我们在冷战时期所面临的危险相差甚远。同时,我们的经济活力仍居世界第一,企业的创新性也名列前茅。我们的能源性都在逐年增强。从欧洲到亚洲,我们是各国有史以来无人
能敌的联盟轴心。
america continues to attract striving immigrants. the values of our founding inspire leaders in parliaments and new movements in public squares around the
globe. and when a typhoon hits the
but the world is changing with accelerating speed. this presents opportunity, but also new dangers. we know all too well, after 9/11, just how technology and globalization has put power once reserved for states in the hands of individuals,
raising the capacity of terrorists to do harm.
但是,如今的世界瞬息万变。这为我们带来了机遇,也带来了新的危险。911恐怖袭击事件让我们清楚地认识到,科技和全球化发展是如何让原本由国家掌控的权力落入个人之
手,令为非作歹的。
russia’s aggression towards former soviet states unnerves capitals in europe
while china’s economic rise and military reach worries its neighbors.
不久前,俄罗斯派兵入侵前苏联加盟共和国——乌克兰,这一军事动作牵动欧洲各国
神经,与此同时,中国经济崛起及其军事走向则引发邻国担忧。
从巴西到印度,新兴中产阶级在与我们展开竞争,此外,各国谋求在国际事务中争取更
多话语权。尽管发展中国家拥护民主、认同市场经济,但全天候新闻以及社交媒体报道使得人们无法对接连发生在这些国家的派系冲突、国家衰败与民众等事件视而不见。然而,
这些对于上一代人而言,只能引来他们的“侧目”罢了。
it will be your generation’s task to respond to this new world. the question we face, the question each of you will face, is not whether america will lead, but how we will lead -- not just to secure our peace and prosperity, but also extend
peace and prosperity around the globe.
如何能在新形势下有所作为的重担就要落在你们这一代的肩上了。摆在我们面前的问题,不是美国是否处在领导地位,而是她将如何引领各国;不只是美国能否实现繁荣发展,而是她如何能在全球范围内“播撒”和平与繁荣的“种子”,而这也是你们将来要面对的问
题。
这个问题并非新鲜。至少,自乔治?华盛顿就任总司令——即美国爆发战争以来,就存在一些警告的声音,表示反对美国卷入与本国或经济福祉无直接关联的外部纷争之中。现在,那些自诩为现实主义者的人认为,美国无需理会发生在叙利亚、乌克兰,以及中非共和国的冲突。的确,在经受了战争以及来自国内的多重挑战之后,这种观点为许多
美国人所认同,这并不意外。
a different view from interventionists from the left and right says that we ignore these conflicts at our own peril; that america’s willingness to apply force around the world is the ultimate safeguard against chaos, and america’s failure to act in the face of syrian brutality or russian provocations not only violates our
conscience, but invites escalating aggression in the future.
然而,干涉主义者对此持不同观点。他们认为,无视这些冲突最终会危及我们自身,美国在全球充当“世界”角色的意愿能够最彻底地保卫世界安全,使其免于陷入混乱。而若美国对叙利亚的或俄罗斯的挑衅撒手不管、无所作为的话,那么这不仅违背我们的良
心,也会使得这些行径在未来愈演愈烈。
and each side can point to history to support its claims. but i believe neither view fully speaks to the demands of this moment. it is absolutely true that in the 21st century american isolationism is not an option. we don’t have a choice to ignore what happens beyond our borders. if nuclear materials are not secure, that
poses a danger to american cities.
尽管双方的观点从历史角度看都成立,但我认为他们并没有充分反映当前形势下的需求。显然,对21世纪的美国而言,孤立主义行不通。我们无法对发生在世界其他地区的事
情漠然视之。例如,如果核燃料不安全,那么它就会威及美国人民的生命
随着叙利亚内战战火跨越边境,受战争洗礼的极端组织攻击美国的能力也在增强。地区冲突接踵而至,无论是在乌克兰南部地区、南海亦或是世界其他地方,如果我们对此坐视不
管,最终这将危及美国盟友的利益,美军也会卷入其中。因此,我们必须时刻关注外界事态。
and beyond these narrow rationales, i believe we have a real stake, an abiding self-interest, in making sure our children and our grandchildren grow up in a world where schoolgirls are not kidnapped and where individuals are not slaughtered because of tribe or faith or political belief. i believe that a world of greater
freedom and tolerance is not only a moral imperative, it also helps to keep us safe.
此外,跳出这些狭隘的理论框架来看,我认为大家还存在着一个真正的共同关切——持久的个人利益,那就是要始终确保我们的子孙后代成长在这样一个世界当中,在那里,人们不会因为种族、信仰或政治理念的迥异而劫持女学生或滥杀无辜。我认为,建设一个更加
自由及包容的世界不仅在道德上势在必行,而且有助于维护我们自身安全。
but to say that we have an interest in pursuing peace and freedom beyond our borders is not to say that every problem has a military solution. since world war ii, some of our most costly mistakes came not from our restraint, but from our willingness to rush into military adventures without thinking through the consequences -- without building international support and legitimacy for our action; without leveling with the american people about the sacrifices required. tough talk often draws headlines, but war rarely conforms to slogans. as general eisenhower, someone with hard-earned knowledge on this subject, said at this ceremony in 1947: “war is mankind’s most tragic and stupid folly; to seek or
advise its deliberate provocation is a black crime against all men.”
尽管我们有意向在全球倡导和平与自由,但这并不意味着我们要借助军事手段来解决每个问题。二战结束以来,我们所犯的那些严重的错误,皆源自我们倾向于以诉诸武力的方式
来解决问题,而对后果考虑不周、
缺乏国际支持及法律支持,也没有向美国人民交代他们需要做出的牺牲,以使他们心中有数。虽然强硬的表态时常占据报纸头条,但战争却很少与口号“步调一致”。正如对这个问题深有体会的艾森豪威尔将军(general eisenhower),于1947年在西点军校毕业典礼上所说的那样:“战争是人类最悲惨、最愚笨的蠢行,无论是蓄意挑起战争,还是为其献计
献策,这都是对全人类犯下的滔天罪行。”
like eisenhower, this generation of men and women in uniform know all too well the wages of war, and that includes those of you here at west point. four of the servicemembers who stood in the audience when i announced the surge of our
forces in afghanistan gave their lives in that effort. a lot more were wounded.
与他一样,这一代的军人——无论男女,都对战争理解深刻。这其中也包括了你们西点毕业生。在我宣布增兵阿富汗时,听众当中的4名服役人员后来就在那里壮烈牺牲。此
外,还有许多西点士兵受伤。
i believe america’s security demanded those deployments. but i am haunted by those deaths. i am haunted by those wounds. and i would betray my duty to you and to the country we love if i ever sent you into harm’s way simply because i saw a problem somewhere in the world that needed to be fixed, or because i was worried about critics who think military intervention is the only way for america to avoid looking weak.
我认为,出于维护美国的考虑,这些军事部署是很有必要的。但是,这些伤亡者的英魂和伤痛一直萦绕在我的脑海、令我难安。如果我将你们派上战场,仅仅是因为世界某地出现问题需要处理,或是担心批评家会将军事不作为视作是美国软弱的表现,那么,我
就违背了自己对你们、对这个我们所爱国家的职责了。
我的底线是:美国必须在世界范围保持领导力。如果我们不能,没人能。你们所加入的美军,永远都是美国领导世界的中坚力量。但是美国的军事行动不是我们展现领导力的唯一方式,更不是主要部分。因为虽然我们有最好的锤子(美军),但并不意味着每个问题都是钉子。因为军事行动代价极大,所以你们应该期望每个平民领袖——尤其是你们的总司令—
—清楚如何使用这一令人生畏的力量。所以,让我用剩下的时间来描述一下我的想法:关
于美国和美军在未来几年应怎样领导世界,而你们将会成为领导世界力量的一部分。
first, let me repeat a principle i put forward at the outset of my presidency: the united states will use military force, unilaterally if necessary, when our core interests demand it -- when our people are threatened, when our livelihoods are at stake, when the security of our allies is in danger. in these circumstances, we still need to ask tough questions about whether our actions are proportional and effective and just. international opinion matters, but america should never ask
permission to protect our people, our homeland, or our way of life. (applause.)
首先,让我重申一下我在就任总统时提出的原则:当我们的核心利益需要的时候——
我们的人民受到威胁、篇二:奥巴马obama麻省大学毕业典礼的演讲(中英文)
奥巴马麻省大学毕业典礼的演讲
给大学毕业生的三个建议
2006-6-2
背景介绍
boston,ma |june 2,2006
good morning president wilson,chancellor collins,the board of trustees,faculty,parents,family,friends,and the class of 2006. congratulations on your
graduation,and thank you for allowing me the honor to be a part of it.
it’s always great to be back in boston. as some of you may have heard, i was here a few years ago to give the keynote address at the 2004 democratic convention.
let me tell you what happened at the last convention i had been to.
it was the year 2000,and i had just gotten my rear-end handed to me in my very first race for congress. didn’t even make it past the primary. i was a little depressed,and more than a little broke,but some friends suggested that i get my mind off it by going to los angeles,where that year’s democratic convention was being held.
so i decided to go. and when my plane landed in la,i got my luggage, walked on over to the hertz counter,filled out all the forms to rent a car,gave my credit card to the nice woman behind the counter who,moments later, handed it back
to me and said,“mr. obama,it seems we have a problem.”
that’s right,my credit card was denied.
after thirty more minutes of haggling,i finally made it to the convention, only to learn that i was thought of so highly by the democratic party that my credentials barely granted me access to the men’s room-let alone backstage where all the
action
was. and so,being the vip that i was,i spent the rest of the week as the guy in
the room who nobody knew,but everyone knew didn’t belong.
needless to say,when they asked me to be the convention’s keynote speaker
just four years later,i made sure i was getting a car.
but of course,america is an unlikely place-a country built on defiance of the odds;on a belief in the impossible. and i remind you of this because as you set out to live your own stories of success and achievement,it’s now your turn to help
keep it this way.
no matter how hard you worked or struggled for something better,you knew you’d spend your life forced to build somebody else’s empire;to sacrifice for
someone else’s cause.
but as the centuries passed,the people of the world grew restless. they were tired of tyranny and weary of their lot in life. and as they saw merchants start to sail
across oceans and explorers set off in search of new worlds,they followed.
it was right here,in the waters around us,where the american experiment began. as the earliest settlers arrived on the shores of boston and salem and plymouth,they dreamed of building a city upon a hill. and the world watched,
waiting to see if this improbable idea called america would
succeed.
for over two hundred years,it has. not because our dream has progressed perfectly. it hasn’t. it has been scarred by our treatment of native peoples, betrayed by slavery,clouded by the subjugation of women,wounded by racism,
shaken by war and depression.
to meet the challenges of our time.
we’ve pushed the boundaries of opportunity by providing free education for our children and health care for our seniors and our poor;and we’ve won
bargaining rightsand wage hikes and retirement security for our workers.
none of this progress happened on its own. much of it seemed impossible at the time. but all of it came about because ordinary men and women had faith that
here in america,our imperfect dream could be perfected.
now,there may be some who doubt that much has changed - those who doubt that things are better today than they were yesterday. to them i say take a look at
this class of 2006.
all of this has occurred in the midst of a city where no irish need apply signs once hung from stores. all of this in a city where,just thirty years ago, buses of black students were pelted with rocks as they pulled into schools in south boston;where the red sox were once the team who refused to sign the great jackie robinson.
but the problem isn’t that we’ve made progress. the problem is that progress isn’t good enough. there is more work to be done,more justice to be had,more barriers to break. and now it’s your generation’s turn to bring these changes
about.
the last century was undoubtedly an american century. our victory over fascism liberated millions. at home,we built a shared prosperity that created the largest middle-class inhistory. ours was a nation of liberators;of free people;of prosperous
people - and the world took notice.
never again can we expect the oceans that surround america to keep us safe
from attacks on our own soil.
so what does this mean for you?what role will you play in meeting these
challenges ?
i do not pretend to have the answers. each of you will have to discover your
own. but perhaps i can offer a few suggestions that may be useful along the way.
the churches didn’t have much money -so they offered me a grand sum of $12,000 a year plus $2,000 to buy a car. so i bought a beat up old car,packed up my belongings,got out a map,and started driving west to chicago - a place i had
never been and where i didn’t know a living soul.
about halfway between new york city and chicago,i stopped for the night in a
small town in pennsylvania whose name i no longer remember. i found a motel that looked cheap and clean,i pulled into the driveway,and went to the counter,where
there was an old guy doing crossword puzzles.
i could’ve taken my mother’s advice and i could’ve taken my grandparents
advice. i
could’ve taken the path my friends traveled. and i could’ve taken the words of wisdom from that old man in pennsylvania. and,objectively speaking,i’m sure he was right. but i knew there was something in me that wanted to try for something bigger. so don’t let people talk you into doing the safe thing. listen to what’s in you and decide what it is that you care so much about that you’re willing to take a chance.
we can try to build walls around us,and we can look inward,and we can
respond by being frightened and angry about those disruptions.
but it doesn’t mean we should ever withdrawal. we are better than that.
my third piece of advice is to cultivate a sense of empathy -to put yourself in
other people’s shoes - to see the world from their eyes.
empathy is a quality of character that can change the world -one that makes you understand that your obligations to others extend beyond people who look
like you and act like you and live in your neighborhood.
i know that,especially on this campus,so many of you have been serving at homeless shelters and high schools and youth centers and job placement organizations all over the boston area. and i hope this spirit of service lives on long after you leave here.
奥巴马毕业典礼演讲的及物性分析
[摘要]halliday的系统功能语法是一种可操作性强、实用性强的语篇分析理论。本文以系统功能语法中的及物性系统为理论框架,以奥巴马在2014年西点军校毕业典礼上的演讲为语料,分析该语篇中及物性系统的六个过程,旨在更好的把握语篇的特点和演讲者的意图。
[关键词]及物性系统;演讲;奥巴马
上世纪五十年代末,英国语言学家halliday创立了系统功能语法(systematic functional grammar),为语篇分析提供了强大而有力的理论框架。系统功能语法因其可操作性强、实用性强、应用价值巨大,已经被广泛应用到各种语篇的分析之中。halliday认为,语言是社会活动的产物。作为人类的交际工具,语言承载着各种各样的功能。halliday将语言的功能归纳为三大纯理功能:“概念功能、人际功能和语篇功能”。[1]7及物性系统是概念功能的一部分,包括6个过程:物质过程、心理过程、关系过程、行为过程、言语过程和存在过程。
本文所选语料为奥巴马在2014年西点军校毕业典礼上的演讲词。众所周知,美国总统奥巴马既是著名的政治家又是优秀的演说家,他的演讲振奋精神、鼓舞人心,极富感染力和号召力。2009年,奥巴马首次在西点军校发表演讲时,演讲目的很明确:增兵阿富汗。如
今,阿富汗战争已结束,美国面临着新的国际形势,奥巴马此次演讲
向西点军校毕业生、美国乃至全世界宣告了美国的“世界霸主”地位和“世界”身份。奥巴马在演讲中表达了他的殷切希冀:希望西点军校毕业生能成为美国领导世界的中坚力量。演讲中,奥巴马主要阐述了美国和美军领导世界的三个方面:1.当核心利益受到威胁
时,美国将单方面使用军事力量;2.与他国合作,共同打击恐怖主义;3.强化国际秩序。
一、及物性系统
系统功能语法中,语言三大纯理功能之一的人际功能是指语言用于建立维护或确立人际关系的功能。它主要是由语气系统和情态系统来实现。另一纯理功能语篇功能指的是语言将其本身与其使用者所处的情景环境相联系的功能,主要是通过主述位系统(theme-rheme system)体现出来的。
概念功能指的是语言用于表达说话者的内部经验世界及各事物之间的逻辑关系的功能,它主要由及物性系统来体现。及物性系统作为概念功能的一个语义系统,“其作用是把经验世界分成易操作的一组过程”(halliday & matthiessen, 2008:170),并指明各种过程的参加者和情景成分。
系统功能语法认为及物性系统有六个过程:物质过程、心理过程、关系过程、行为过程、言语过程和存在过程。物质过程表示做某事的过程,它至少有一个参与者,即动作者(actor),
有时还有另一个参
与者目标(goal),过程动词一般是表动作(do)的词;心理过程是表示心理活动的过程,它一般有两个参与者,心理活动的主体感觉者(sensor)和被感知的客体现象
(phenomenon),过程动词一般为表示感觉(perception)、情感(affection)和认知(cognition)的动词;关系过程是反映事物之间关系的过程,它一般有两个参与者:认同者(identifier)和被认同者(identified),关系过程有两种模式:属性(attributive)和识别(identifying),三种类型:内包式(intensive)、环境式(circumstantial)和所有式(possessive),过程动词一般为系动词(be);行为过程是表示生理和精神行为的过程,参与者是行为者(behaver),过程动词通常为表示生理和精神行为的动词;言语过程是表示说话的过程,参与者为说话者(sayer),过程动词为表示说话的动词;存在过程是表示存在或发生的过程,典型句式为there be句型,过程动词通常为表示存在(exist)或发生(happen)的动词。
二、奥巴马在2014西点军校毕业典礼上的演讲的及物性分析 系统功能语法认为,选择即意义,也就是说,每个小句中各种成分的选择都有其特殊的意义。因此,本文在系统功能语法的理论指导之下,根据及物性系统中六种过程的分类原则,对所选语篇“奥巴马在2014年西点军校毕业典礼上的演讲”进行过程分类,并依据分类结果对语篇进行剖析。该
语篇及物性过程的分类结果统计情况如表1:
从表1的分析结果来看,奥巴马在此次演讲中主要采用了物质过程和关系过程。语篇中,物质过程共314句,占据了62.30%的篇幅,为所有过程中使用频率最高的过程;其次为关系过程,出现次数为133次,占总数的26.39%。而其他四种过程出现的次数较少,分
别为:心理过程22次、行为过程3次、言语过程19次和存在过程13次。
物质过程能够对所发生的事情进行客观地描述,它不掺杂任何私人情感和个人观点,客观性强,可信度高,而这正是演讲特别是政治演讲所需要的。演讲者大量使用物质过程来陈述客观事实,能够体现演讲的真实性,提高演讲的可信度,进而达到演讲者的目的,使听众
信服演讲者并响应演讲者的号召去做某事。
奥巴马在此次演讲中使用了62.30%的篇幅来描述客观事实,大大增强了演讲词的真实性和客观性,既提高了演讲的可信度,又在无形之中表达了奥巴马的个人观点。在演讲中,用物质过程来陈述客观事实,看似客观,但实则奥巴马所选取的客观事实都是为表达他的个人观点服务的,这是在利用客观事实潜移默化地影响听众的看法。例如:together with our allies, america struck huge blows against al-qaida core and pushed back against an
insurgency that threatened to
overrun the country.在这个例句中,奥巴马选择用struck、pushed和threatened
这些实义动词的过去式来陈述已经发生的客观事实:在
和盟友的共同努力下,美国给基地组织造成了沉重的打击。这一客观事实为奥巴马阐释美国领导力的第二个方面,即:美国要与那些国内有基地的国家合作共同打击恐怖主义,提供了客观证据,佐证了其观点的正确性,大大增强了演讲的说服力,并且有效地鼓舞了西点军校的毕业生们为此努力。在演讲中,奥巴马还使用了表物质过程的动作动词continue来说明今后应如何继续同盟国合作共同打击恐怖主义:and we will continue to coordinate with our friends and allies in europe and the arab world to push for a political resolution of this crisis and to make sure that those countries and not just the united states are contributing their fair share of support to the syrian people. 这句话中的动作者we拉近了奥巴马与听众之间的距离,进而更容易获得听众的支持。奥巴马通过大量使用动态动词,即物质过程,成功地诠释了为何要同盟国一起打击恐怖主义,也详细地说明了今后要如何同盟国一起打击恐怖主义,既赢得了毕业生们的认同和支持,又唤
起了他们的责任感和使命感。
“关系过程是进行评价或判断最直接的方式”。[2]113在这篇演讲中,奥巴马大量使用了表关系过程的系动词be和实义动词have,来描述事物之间的关系。例如,在讲到是
否需要借助军事手段来解决每个问题时,奥巴马使用了表关系过程的x is y的句型结构,清楚明了地道出了自己的观点:war is mankind’s most tragic and stupid folly; to seek or advise its deliberate provocation is a black crime against all men. 他评价战争是人类最悲惨、最愚笨的蠢行。当提到伊朗核试验篇四:奥巴马2013俄亥俄州立大学毕业典礼演讲
奥巴马2013俄亥俄州立大学毕业演讲
to the board of trustees; congresswoman beatty; mayor coleman; and all of you who make up the ohio state university for allowing me to join you -- it is an incredible honor.
感谢各位校董,彼迪议员,卡尔曼,以及俄亥俄州立大学所有教职员工邀请我出席
这个典礼—这是一个无尚荣光。
and most of all, congratulations, class of 2013!(applause.) and of course, congratulations to all the parents, and family, and friends and faculty here in the horseshoe -- this is your day as well. (applause.) ive been told to ask everybody, though, please be careful with the turf. coach meyer has big plans for this fall. (laughter.)
i very much appreciate the president’s introduction. i will not be singing today. (laughter.)
最重要的是,祝贺2013届毕业生!(掌声)当然还要祝贺所有家长们,所有亲友们和
在场的所有教职员工们—这也是你们的节日。(掌声)但是,有人让我要求你们注意保护草坪。麦耶教练今年秋天要在这里大显身手。(笑声) 我非常感谢校长的介绍。今天我不想唱歌。(笑声)
it is true that i did speak at that certain university up north a few years ago. but, to be fair, you did let president ford speak here once -- and he played football for
michigan! (laughter.) so everybody can get some redemption.
我的确在几年前在北方的一所大学做过演讲。但是,公平地讲,你们也邀请福特总统在这里演讲过一次—他还代表密歇根队参加了棒球赛!(笑声)所以各位也该得到一些安慰了吧。
我解释一下,这是我在过去的几年里第十五此来到这个校园。(掌声)有一次我到sloppy’s饭店对付一口饭。你们中很多人—啊,是sloopy’s—我知道。(奥巴马读错了饭店名引发哄笑)那是一个星期天,我刚刚出国访问回来。(笑声)不管怎么说,我在sloopy’s看到你们很多人还在吃早饭,已经是上午11:30啦。(笑声)在一个周二。(笑声)2013届毕业生们,我的第一个忠告就是:能享受就享受吧。(笑声)不久,你们就再也不能在周
二上午11:30
才起床去吃早饭了。(笑声)一旦你们有了孩子,你们还得起床更早。(笑声)
but, class of 2013, your path to this moment has wound you through years of breathtaking change. you were born as freedom forced its way through a wall in berlin, tore down an iron curtain across europe. you were educated in an era of instant information that put the world’s accumulated knowledge at your fingertips.
and you came of age as terror touched our shores; and an historic recession spread
across the nation; and a new generation signed up to go to war.
但是,2013届毕业生们,你们的人生轨迹到此因多年的惊天动地的变革带给你们挥之不去的阴影。你们出生在自由之神冲破柏林墙,打破横贯欧洲的铁幕的时代。你们受教育的时代是源源不断的信息使你们可以在指尖上获得日益增长的知识的时代。你们成年的时代是
恐怖主义打到我们的家门口;历史性的经济衰退席卷全国;新一代应征参战的时代。
你们受到了你们的父母和我无法想象而站在你们的角度已经看见的一系列事件的考验和砺练。然而不管这些,或者恰恰是因为它,你们这一代是拥有美国理想人数最多的一代—热爱自己的国家并且能把她变得更好的人们。经历了所有的,所有你们失望的时刻,或遭受了别人等待你们的方式带给你们的挫折的时刻,我们在你们这代身上看到的是—我们目睹的是永恒的精髓的乐观、利他、推己及人、宽容、集体意识和服务意识的美国价值
—所有这一切让我对你们的前途充满信心。
今天我们还要想想,你们这一届毕业生中的50位预备役军官训练营的学员们将在陆军、海军、空军和海军陆战队担任指挥官。(掌声)你们的130位同学已经戎装在身了—有些参加了战斗,有些执行过多次驻防任务。(掌声)今天毕业的98位退伍军人中有20位获得嘉奖,至少一位在退伍之后创立了一个叫做vets4vets校园组织继续为他的退伍战友们服务。
作为你们的总司令,我感到无比骄傲。(掌声)
pursue more education, or climb the corporate ladder, or enter the arts or science or journalism, you will still choose a cause that you care about in your life
and will fight like heck to realize your vision.
想想在和平营为国家服务、在诸如“为美国教书”和启动“蓝引擎” 行动中教育我们的孩子们的本校毕业生们,他们收入微薄、影响巨大。你们中有些人已经开始自己创业了。我想你们中打算继续深造的,进入大公司按部就班升级的,或进入艺术、科学和新闻届的,
你们还要选择关乎你们一生的路线并且为实现你们的理想过关斩将。
there is a word for this. it’s citizenship. and we don’t always talk about this idea much these days -- citizenship --let alone celebrate it. sometimes, we see it as a virtue from another time, a distant past, one that’s slipping from a society that celebrates individual ambition above all else; a society awash in instant technology that empowers us to leverage our skills and talents like never before, but just as easily allows us to retreat from the world. and the result is that we sometimes
forget the larger bonds we share as one american family.
以一言毕之,就是公识。我们这些天不是过多地谈论这个理念—公识—更不要说赞美它了。有时我们把它视为另一个时代、一个遥远的过去的美德,被倡导个人野心高于一切的社会所忽视;视为一个淹没在赋予调动我们过去没有的技能和天赋的能力的速食技术但是同样使我们很容易被开除球籍的社会。结果是我们有时忘了我们作为一个美国大家庭共享的更大的纽带。
but it’s out there, all the time, every day --especially when we need it most. just look at the past year. when a hurricane struck our mightiest city, and a factory exploded in a small town in texas, we saw citizenship. when bombs went off in boston, and when a malevolent spree of gunfire visited a movie theater, a temple, an ohio high school, a 1st grade classroom in connecticut, we saw citizenship. in the
aftermath of darkest tragedy, we have seen the american spirit at its brightest.
但是它就在那里,无论何时,每日每夜—特别是我们最需要它的时候。仅仅是去年,当飓风席卷我们最大的城市、德克萨斯州一个小城的工厂发生爆炸时,我们目睹了公识。当在波士顿爆炸,丧心病狂的弹横扫电影院、神庙和俄亥俄的一个高中,康涅狄格州的一个小学一年级教室时,我们目睹了公识。在最黑暗的悲剧的余波之中,我们见证了美国精神最光辉的一面。
我们目睹了渺小的肤色、阶层和信仰不同被共同的互相帮助紧急施救所取代。我们目睹了勇气和同情,公民责任感和认识到我们不是一个陌生人的集合;一系列理想、法律和承诺
已经对我们热爱的国家的深沉的奉献把我们一个个紧密相连。
这就是公识。它是我们的立国之本—作为美国人,我们拥有得天独厚的天赋和不可剥夺的权利,但是这些权利也伴随着责任—对我们自己的责任,对他人的责任,对后代的责任。(掌声)
现在,如果不口是心非,当你们努力学习、勤奋工作和保家卫国的时候,事实却是决定我们社会制度的很多法规常常辜负了我们的信任。在那场金融危机的余波之中,很多华尔街的投资人忘了他们的责任并没有他们的股票的表现而结束。在娱乐届,媒体届,评级和震荡价值充斥着新闻和报道。
in washington -- well, this is a joyous occasion, so let me put it charitably -- (laughter) -- i think it’s fair to say our democracy isn’t working as well as we know it can. it could do better. (applause.) and so those of us fortunate enough to serve
in these institutions owe it to you to do better every single day.
在华盛顿,这是一个欢乐的时刻,所以我留点口德--(笑声)--我认为恰如其分地讲我
们的民主没有我们想象的那么好。它可以更好。(掌声)所以我们这些人有幸投身于这些法
规赋予我们的一切,每天都更上一层楼。
我最近总是在想我们如何把公识的理念在民族层面上焕发它全部的光辉—不仅仅是在竞选日,不仅仅是在悲剧发生时,而是在它们之间的每一天。或许是因为我长期生活在华盛顿,我深切地感到那里急需这种公识。我思考你们这一代的特点—同情和活力,
以及自我意识—可能意味着民主要尽快改变以适应技术和人口特征以及紧迫的经济变革。
i think about how we might perpetuate this notion of citizenship in a way that another politician from my home state of illinois, adlai stevenson, once described patriotism not as“short, frenzied outbursts of emotion, but the tranquil and steady dedication of a lifetime.” that’s what patriotism is. that’s what citizenship is. (applause.)
我考虑如何让我们这个充满公识的国家以来自我的故乡伊利诺伊州的另一位政治家—阿德莱-史蒂文森描述的方式永恒,他曾经说过,爱国主义不是“短暂的、疯狂的情感
爆发,而是深沉的、坚实的一生奉献”。这就是爱国主义。这就是公识。(掌声)
now, i don’t pretend to have all the answers. i’m not going to offer some grand theory on a beautiful day like this-- you guys all have celebrating to do. i’m
not going to get partisan, either, because that’s not what citizenship is about. in
现在,我并不打算获得全部答案。我不想在今天这样的日子讲一大套理论—你们各位今天喜不胜收吧。我今天也不想谈党派,因为这也不是公识的内涵。事实上,我要求你们做布什总统在2002年毕业典礼上说的:“美国需要全职公民”。(掌声)作为一个座右铭
为“培养公识”的大学的毕业生,我知道你们都理解这是你们上大学的目的。你们的国家期望你们如此。
so briefly, i’ll ask for two things from the class of 2013: to participate, and to persevere. after all, your democracy does not function without your active participation. at a bare minimum, that means voting, eagerly and often -- not having somebody drag you to it at 11:30 a.m. when you’re having breakfast.(laughter.) it means knowing who’s been elected to make decisions on your behalf, and what they believe in, and whether or not they delivered on what they said they would. and if they don’t represent you the way you want, or conduct themselves the way you expect, if they put special interests above your own, you’ve got to let them know that’s not okay. and if they let you down often enough, there’s a built-in day in november where you can really let them know it’s not okay. (applause.)
简而言之,我对2013 届毕业生提出两个要求:参与和坚持。归根到底,你们的民主只有你们的积极参与才能发挥作用。狭义地讲,就是投票,经常热心地投票—不是让别人在你们上午11:30吃早饭时拽你们去投票。(笑声)它意味着弄清谁当选能够代表你们的利益做决策,他们信仰什么,他们是否言行一致。如果他们不能按你们的要求代表你们,按你们的要求规范自己,如果他们把特殊利益凌驾于你们的利益之上,你们应该让他们知道这样不行。如果他们经常让你们失望,在某个11月份的一天你们就可以让他们知道这样不行。(掌声)
but participation, your civic duty, is more than just voting. you don’t have to run for office yourself -- but i hope many of you do, at all levels, because our
democracy needs you. and i promise you, it will give you a tough skin. i know a little bit about this. (laughter.) president wilson once said, “if you want to make enemies,
try to change something.”
但是参与—你们的公民义务—远远不止是投票。你们自己不一定想谋求一个职位—但是我希望你们谋求在各个级别的职位,我们的民主需要你们。我向你们保证,这将使你们“脸皮厚”。我就知道这么一点点。(笑声)威尔逊总统曾经说过,“如果你想树敌,那就改变些什么”。
and that’s precisely what the founders left us --the power, each of us, to adapt to changing times. they left us the keys to a system of self-government, the tools to do big things and important things together that we could not possibly do alone – to stretch railroads and electricity and a highway system across a sprawling continent. to educate our people with a system of public schools and land-grant colleges, including the ohio state university. to care for the sick and the vulnerable, and provide a basic level of protection from falling into abject poverty in the wealthiest nation on earth. (applause.) to conquer fascism and disease; to visit the moon and mars; to gradually secure our god-given rights for all of篇五:奥巴马俄罗
斯毕业典礼演讲(中英对照)
奥巴马俄罗斯毕业典礼演讲(中英对照)
美国总统奥巴马7日在莫斯科发表演讲时表示,俄罗斯必须尊重格鲁吉亚和乌克兰的
主权,在伊朗和朝鲜的核计划问题上也应与国际社会进行合作。
“国际主权应该是国际秩序的奠基石,” 奥巴马在莫斯科新经济学院发表演讲时称,就像所有国家都应该有权选择他们的领导人一样,各国也有权巩固边防和制定他们的外交。
“任何舍弃这些权利的组织系统都将走向混乱。这些原则应该运用到所有的国家——
其中包括格鲁吉亚和乌克兰。”
而在关于伊朗和朝鲜的核问题上,奥巴马说美国和俄罗斯都不会在他们的核军备竞争中
获益,希望俄罗斯能与美国一起阻止朝鲜和伊朗发展核武器,并在相关问题上进行合作。
2009年7月7日奥巴马在俄罗斯新经济学院毕业典礼的演讲(中英对照)
remarks by the president at the new economic school graduation
gostinny dvor
moscow, russia
july 7, 2009
gostinny dvor 会展中心
俄罗斯,莫斯科
2009年7月7日
thank you so much. well, congratulations, oxana. and to the entire class of 2009, congratulations to you. i dont know if anybody else will meet their future wife or husband in class like i did, but im sure that youre all going to have wonderful careers.
多谢大家。祝贺你,奥科萨纳(oxana)。2009届全体同学,祝贺你们。我不知道是否还有其他人像我一样在同窗读书时遇到未来的妻子或丈夫,不过我肯定你们都会有美好的前途。
i want to acknowledge a few people who are here. we have president mikhail gorbachev is here today, and i want everybody to give him a big round of applause. (applause.) i want to thank sergei gurief, director of the new economic school. (applause.) max boiko, their chairman of the board. (applause.) and arkady dvorkovich, who is the nes board member, president of the alumni association and is doing an excellent job for president medvedev, because he was in our meeting yesterday. (applause.)
总统工作,他昨天还出席了我们的会谈。(掌声)
good morning. it is a great honor for me to join you at the new economic school. michelle and i are so pleased to be in moscow. and as somebody who was born in hawaii, im glad to be here in july instead of january. (laughter and applause.)
我知道,新经济学院是一个年轻的院校,但今天我心怀对俄罗斯不朽的传统的高度敬重
之情对你们发表讲话。俄罗斯作家帮助我们了解人生的纷繁复杂,认识到永恒的真理。俄罗斯画家、作曲家和舞蹈家使我们领略到了美的新形式。俄罗斯科学家治愈了疾病,开拓了新
的发展领域,帮助人们飞向太空。
these are contributions that are not contained by russias borders, as vast as those borders are. indeed, russias heritage has touched every corner of the world, and speaks to the humanity that we share. that includes my own country, which has been blessed with russian immigrants for decades; weve been enriched by russian culture, and enhanced by russian cooperation. and as a resident of washington, d.c., i continue to benefit from the contributions of russians -- specifically, from
alexander ovechkin. were very pleased to have him in washington, d.c. (applause.)
尽管俄罗斯幅员辽阔,但这些贡献并未局限在俄罗斯疆界之内。毫无疑问,俄罗斯的传统已传播到世界每一个角落,激发了我们共有的人性。其中也包括我自己的国家,几十年来因俄罗斯移民获益良多;我国获得俄罗斯文化的丰富营养,也因与俄罗斯的合作得到发展。作为首都华盛顿哥伦比亚特区的居民,我继续获得俄罗斯人的贡献带来的惠益──特别是因为亚力山大·奥韦奇金(alexander ovechkin)。他住在华盛顿哥伦比亚特区,我们非常高兴。(掌声) here at nes, you have inherited this great cultural legacy, but your focus on economics is no less fundamental to the future of humanity. as pushkin said, inspiration is needed in geometry just as much as poetry. and today, i want particularly to speak to those of you preparing to graduate. youre poised to be leaders in academia and industry; in finance and government. but before you move forward, its worth reflecting on what has already taken place during your young lives.
在新经济学院,你们继承了这个伟大的文化传统。你们尽管以经济为重点,但对人类的未来也同样至关重要。正如普希金所说,“灵感对于几何学,如同灵感对于诗歌一样必不可少。” 今天,我特别希望对即将毕业的同学说一些话。你们即将成为学术界和工业界的领军人,成为金融界和政界的主力。然而,在你们迈出这一步之前,有必要回顾在你们成长期间发生的历史。
if one person won, then the other person had to lose.
如同梅德韦杰夫总统和我一样,你们当时年纪尚幼,未能亲历冷战最黑暗的年代,那时在大气层试爆了氢弹,孩子们进入防空洞参加演习,我们曾经走到核灾难的边缘。你们是全世界壁垒分明的时期出生的最后一代人。当年,美国和苏联仍在欧洲集结、训练并准备交战。上一个世纪意识形态的壁垒大致依旧。从天体物理学到体育运动,相互间的竞赛
往往被视为你死我活的争斗。一方获胜,另一方必失。
此后短短几年时间,世界不复以往。如今毫无疑问的是:这个变革并非由任何一个单独的国家引发。由于无数国家多少年来采取的行动,由于俄罗斯和东欧人民挺身而出,决心以
和平方式告别过去,冷战从此宣告结束。
with the end of the cold war, there were extraordinary expectations -- for peace and for prosperity; for new arrangements among nations, and new opportunities for individuals. like all periods of great change, it was a time of ambitious plans and endless possibilities. but, of course, things dont always work out exactly as planned. back in 1993, shortly after this school opened, one nes student summed up the difficulty of change when he told a reporter, and i quote him: the real world is not
so rational as on paper. the real world is not so rational as on paper.
随着冷战的结束,人们产生种种殷切的期待── 希望实现和平与繁荣;建立国家间的新秩序,以及为个人提供新机会。如同所有巨大变革的时期一样,这是一个大展宏图的时代,一个充满无限机会的时代。然而, 任何事物都不可能时时一帆风顺,事事如人心愿。1993年,贵校成立后不久,新经济学院一位学生在接受记者采访时概括了改革的艰难。他说道:
“现实的世界并不像书本上那样理性。”现实的世界并不像书本上那样理性。
在过去动荡的20年中,这种说法的正确性在全世界得到证实。虽然创造出巨额财富,但它并未消除遍布四方的极度贫困。贫困在这里存在,在美国存在,在全世界存在。有更多的人参加了投票,但仍有太多国家的仍旧未能保护本国人民的权利。意识形态的斗争逐渐减少,但代之而起的是部落、种族和宗教冲突。一个拥有电脑的人可以拥有与俄罗斯国家
图书馆(russian state library)等量的信息,但这种技术也可被用于制造严重伤害。
in a new russia, the disappearance of old political and economic restrictions after the end of the soviet union brought both opportunity and hardship. a few prospered, but many more did not. there were tough times. but the russian people showed strength and made sacrifices, and you achieved hard-earned progress through a growing economy and greater confidence. and despite painful times, many in eastern europe and russia are much better off today than 20 years ago. 在新俄罗斯,旧的政治与经济束缚随着苏联的解体而消失,这既带来机遇,也造成困苦。一些人致富了,但更多的人没有。曾有过艰难的时期。但俄罗斯人民显示了坚韧不拔的力量,作
出了牺牲,通过经济增长取得了来之不易的进步,并且增强了信心。尽管经历了痛苦,但
东欧和俄罗斯很多人的生活比20年前大大改善。
we see that progress here at nes -- a school founded with western support that
is now distinctly russian; a place of learning and inquiry where the test of an idea is not whether it is russian or american or european, but whether it works. above all, we see that progress in all of you -- young people with a young century to shape as you see fit.
我们在这里——在新经济学院,看到了这种进步。这个在西方支持下成立的学院如今具有鲜明的俄罗斯特色,成为从事研究与探索的学府;在这里,检验一个理念的标准不在于它是俄罗斯的、美国的、还是欧洲的,而是看它是否行得通。最重要的是,我们从你们所有
人——将按自己的意愿去塑造一个年轻世纪的年轻人——身上看到这种进步。
your lifetime coincides with this era of transition. but think about the fundamental questions asked when this school was founded. what kind of future is russia going to have? what kind of future are russia and america going to have together? what world order will replace the cold war? those questions still dont have clear answers, and so now they must be answered by you -- by your generation in russia, in america, and around the world. you get to decide. and while i cannot answer those questions for you, i can speak plainly about the future that america is seeking.
你们恰恰生活在这个转变的时代。想一想在这个学院刚成立时所提出的一些基本问题:俄罗斯将有什么样的未来?俄罗斯和美国将有什么样的共同未来?会有什么样的世界秩序取代冷战?对这些问题仍然没有明确的答案,因此它们必须由你们来回答——由在俄罗斯、美国和全世界的你们这一代人来回答。决定将由你们作出。虽然我无法替你们回答这些问题,
但我可以明了地谈一谈美国正在寻求的未来。
首先,我要清楚表明:美国希望有一个强大、和平和繁荣的俄罗斯。这一信念植根于我们对俄罗斯人民的尊敬以及两国间超越竞争关系的共同历史。尽管两国曾互为对手,但两国人民在上一世纪最伟大的斗争中互为联盟。最近,我在诺曼底(normandy)时曾指出这一点:如同来自波士顿和伯明翰的战士奋不顾身攻上海滩、登上悬崖一样,来自喀山(kazan)、基辅(kiev)等地的苏联士兵忍受了难以想象的艰难困苦,取消了——击退了入侵,在东线扭转了局势。诚如约翰?肯尼迪(john kennedy)总统所说,“在战争史上,任何国家都
不曾遭受过苏联在二次世界大战中所遭受的那种苦难。”
these challenges demand global partnership, and that partnership will be
stronger if russia occupies its rightful place as a great power.
因此,在铭记这一历史的同时,我们也认识到一个强大、富有生机的俄罗斯对未来的有益作用。想一想这些将决定你们生活的问题:不受核武器和极端主义伤害;市场准入和机会;卫生与环境;保护国家主权与并促进稳定与繁荣的国际体系。应对这些挑战必须靠全球
合作,如果俄罗斯占在它应有的大国位置上,这种合作关系会更为有力。
但是,令人遗憾的是,有时存在着一种感觉,认为昔日的设想,过去的思维方式一定占上风;一种基于过去而非基于未来的实力观。有一种20世纪的观念,认为美国与俄罗斯注定互为对手,认为一个强大的俄罗斯或强大的美国惟有在相互对立中才可显示自己的威力。还有一种19世纪的观念,认为我们注定要争夺势力范围,认为大国只有形成相互争夺的集
团,才可达到平衡。
these assumptions are wrong. in 2009, a great power does not show strength by dominating or demonizing other countries. the days when empires could treat sovereign states as pieces on a chess board are over. as i said in cairo, given our
independence, any world order that -- given our interdependence, any world order that tries to elevate one nation or one group of people over another will inevitably
fail. the pursuit of power is no longer a zero-sum game -- progress must be shared.
这些设想都是错误的。在2009年,一个强国不是靠控制或妖魔化其他国家显示实力。帝国可以将主权国家当棋盘上的棋子摆布的时代已经结束。如我在开罗所说,鉴于我们的,任何世界秩序——鉴于我们的相互依存,任何企图使一个国家或一个群体凌驾于另一
个国家或另一群体之上的世界秩序必将失败。寻求实力不再是零和游戏——进步必须共享。
thats why i have called for a reset in relations between the united states and russia. this must be more than a fresh start between the kremlin and the white house -- though that is important and ive had excellent discussions with both your president and your prime minister. it must be a sustained effort among the american and russian people to identify mutual interests, and expand dialogue and
cooperation that can pave the way to progress.
这就是我呼吁“重启”美俄关系的理由所在。这决不能仅限于克林姆林宫与白宫关系的新开端——尽管这一点很重要,我与贵国总统和总理分别就此举行了极好的讨论。这必须是美俄两国人民的持久努力,以明确双方的共同利益,扩大对话与合作,从而为取得进步铺平道路。
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